Re: PC Roberts on the Ukrainian Question
What PCR says is, essentialy, confirmed by this NYT report. The fascist smell of the nucleus of "revolutionary" forces is hard to hide. How is Russia deemed to follow intervention in Ukraine is hard to see.
Direct, massive military intervention I don't se probable.
All in all the future seems in accord with "chaos theory" which guides foreign political Washington action. Not friendly governments have to be overthrown even is the result is failed states with consequent suffering for the peoples. Lybia is a case study of this.
Converts Join With Militants in Kiev Clash
By ANDREW HIGGINS and ANDREW E. KRAMER
KIEV, Ukraine — As the center of the Ukrainian capital tipped into a maelstrom of gunfire and blood on Thursday, a man wearing a helmet stood on a street corner near Independence Square, the epicenter of the violence, holding a leaf of printer paper.
“Guys,” he called out, “we are forming a new hundred. Please sign up.”
Anton Chontorog, 23, a computer programmer, joined a small crowd of young men who lined up to enroll in the hundred, the basic organizing unit of a strikingly resilient force that is providing the tip of the spear in the violent showdown with government security forces. The sotni, as the units are called, take their name from a traditional form of Cossack cavalry division. Activists estimate at least 32 such groups are in Kiev now, with more forming all the time.
Mr. Chontorog said that he had been in the square many times as a protester, but that after the violence on Thursday wanted to commit himself to the fight, which meant following orders from the commander of his hundred. “A volunteer just shows up to help,” he said. “The difference is that a member of a hundred has obligations.”
Across Kiev and beyond, personal barriers that once defined the limits of behavior are crumbling, pushing this fractured but, until a few weeks ago, proudly peaceful nation into a spiral of chaos.
The Ukrainian authorities and their allies in the Kremlin identify the source of the increase in violence as extremists and terrorists, the young militants of sometimes sinister, far-right political affiliations with ideologies formed in the struggle against Polish and Soviet domination. They have provided much of the front-line muscle in increasingly bloody clashes with the police.
But there are thousands of other protesters who, like Mr. Chontorog, are late converts to militancy, who say they believe that the government has left them with no other choice by deploying so much lethal violence itself. On Thursday, a few antigovernment protesters could be seen carrying weapons. But with reports that the police have killed more than 70 demonstrators, most of the gunfire clearly came from the other side of the barricades. The interior minister reported that 29 police officers had been taken to the hospital and 67 had been captured by the protesters.
Nonetheless, the murky nature of the opposition gathered in Independence Square, at least on its fringes, is causing problems for the United States and the European Union, which would prefer a neat apposition of peaceful, pro-democracy demonstrators versus the thuggish kleptocracy of President Viktor F. Yanukovych. But that line of thinking often blurs in the streets.
The ambiguity was captured on Thursday by a 25-year-old man wearing a mask who, after a victorious battle on Khreshchatyk Street in Kiev that morning, gave a blunt summary of his cause: “Nationalism is what I believe in,” said the man, who gave his name only as Nikolo. “The nation is my religion.”
Since the protests began in November, after Mr. Yanukovych spurned a trade and political deal with the European Union, Nikolo has traveled six times from his home in the western city of Lviv to hurl firebombs and rocks, and to prove a belligerent point that violence works.
“What have humanism and pacifism ever brought to any nation?” he asked, clutching a battered metal shield and a metal rod, his soot-blackened face covered by a brown balaclava. “Revolutions are violent.”
Young militants like Mr. Chontorog and Nikolo are by no means the only presence on the streets. More typical, perhaps, is the 33-year-old manager of an American telephone company here who on Thursday drove his blue family car to the barricades and casually unloaded shopping bags filled with empty glass bottles to help replenish the protest movement’s supply of firebombs.
“A week or even a few days ago, I would never have seen myself doing this,” said the well-dressed manager, who gave only his first name, Viktor, a supporter from the start of what began three months ago as a peaceful and often joyous revolt against Mr. Yanukovych. “Now, I am ready to bring not just bottles but also gasoline.”
He added, in a commonly expressed sentiment: “Of course I don’t like violence. What is happening is very sad. But violence is just a response to violence on the other side.”
But while the ranks of the protesters are diverse, the young men like Nikolo are the foot soldiers in a deepening civil conflict, the steel that refuses to bend under the pressure of thousands of riot police officers, volleys of live ammunition, snipers on rooftops and the looming threat of martial law.
They are heirs to a nationalist tradition that traces its roots to Stepan Bandera and the fanatical nationalists of western Ukraine who violently opposed their Polish and Soviet overlords in the 1930s, ‘40s and ‘50s before finally being subdued.
The sotni provide a quasi-military discipline to the opposition’s street muscle. The commanders of the hundreds meet with other leaders of bands of young men under the umbrella of the Maidan Self Defense organization, which is led by Andri Parubi, a member of the opposition party Fatherland, though his control over some of the right-wing street groups appears tenuous at times.
In addition to the hundreds, several other groups have fielded militarized bands of men. The Svoboda political party, the parliamentary wing of a broader western Ukrainian nationalist movement, has activists armed with clubs, chains and other bludgeons.
Svoboda has at times clashed with another nationalist organization of mounting influence in the street politics called Right Sector, a coalition of a half-dozen hard-line nationalist groups that were once on the fringe, such as Patriots of Ukraine, Trident and White Hammer. The two organizations have also cooperated in occupying buildings and manning barricades.
They have also reached out far beyond just hard-core nationalists. Dmytro Yarosh, the leader of Right Sector, who is himself from eastern Ukraine, has proved a shrewd political operator fully aware that resistance on the street is not enough to oust Mr. Yanukovych. In a statement issued on Thursday, Mr. Yarosh appealed to Ukraine’s wealthiest businessmen, known as oligarchs, telling the widely despised billionaires that they “now have a chance to change people’s attitudes by switching to their side in order to stop the bloodshed.”
But if these groups, whose members are far outnumbered by nonviolent protesters and also by the police, were the only ones driving Ukraine’s opposition to Mr. Yanukovych, the president could easily have defeated them weeks ago. Behind them stands a mass of others who recoil at pugnacious nationalism and scenes of mayhem but who now stand shoulder to shoulder with outfits like Right Sector, enraged that security forces resorted to violence to crack down on what had been a mostly peaceful protest in the mold of the Orange Revolution of 2004.
Since the beginning of this week’s mayhem in Kiev on Tuesday, about 600 people a day have signed up to go from Lviv to the capital to join the protesters, according to Oksana Medved, 22, a psychologist. She was among the volunteer workers at one of what she said were three centers for people here to register for rides to the capital by bus or car.
Many Ukrainians, who doggedly oppose the government, look with horror at the use of firebombs, rocks and, on occasion, guns to oust the president, who was democratically elected in 2010 and whose future is scheduled to be decided at the ballot box in 2015.
Revulsion is particularly strong in the east of the country, where Mr. Yanukovych first made his career in politics, where most people speak Russian rather than Ukrainian, and where Ukrainian nationalist heroes like Stepan Bandera are viewed as fascist traitors.
“We have a genetic memory of fascism here,” said Anatoly Skripnik, a businessman in the eastern city of Dnepropetrovsk.
Many protesters played down the role that the quasi-military nationalist groups, and history, are playing in the confrontation. “Some from the west are nationalists,” said Nikolai Visinski, an artist, standing on a barricade Thursday evening. “But we are all united in wanting a change of government. You don’t hear people yelling about Stepan Bandera. People just want to live in a free country.”
What PCR says is, essentialy, confirmed by this NYT report. The fascist smell of the nucleus of "revolutionary" forces is hard to hide. How is Russia deemed to follow intervention in Ukraine is hard to see.
Direct, massive military intervention I don't se probable.
All in all the future seems in accord with "chaos theory" which guides foreign political Washington action. Not friendly governments have to be overthrown even is the result is failed states with consequent suffering for the peoples. Lybia is a case study of this.
Converts Join With Militants in Kiev Clash
By ANDREW HIGGINS and ANDREW E. KRAMER
KIEV, Ukraine — As the center of the Ukrainian capital tipped into a maelstrom of gunfire and blood on Thursday, a man wearing a helmet stood on a street corner near Independence Square, the epicenter of the violence, holding a leaf of printer paper.
“Guys,” he called out, “we are forming a new hundred. Please sign up.”
Anton Chontorog, 23, a computer programmer, joined a small crowd of young men who lined up to enroll in the hundred, the basic organizing unit of a strikingly resilient force that is providing the tip of the spear in the violent showdown with government security forces. The sotni, as the units are called, take their name from a traditional form of Cossack cavalry division. Activists estimate at least 32 such groups are in Kiev now, with more forming all the time.
Mr. Chontorog said that he had been in the square many times as a protester, but that after the violence on Thursday wanted to commit himself to the fight, which meant following orders from the commander of his hundred. “A volunteer just shows up to help,” he said. “The difference is that a member of a hundred has obligations.”
Across Kiev and beyond, personal barriers that once defined the limits of behavior are crumbling, pushing this fractured but, until a few weeks ago, proudly peaceful nation into a spiral of chaos.
The Ukrainian authorities and their allies in the Kremlin identify the source of the increase in violence as extremists and terrorists, the young militants of sometimes sinister, far-right political affiliations with ideologies formed in the struggle against Polish and Soviet domination. They have provided much of the front-line muscle in increasingly bloody clashes with the police.
But there are thousands of other protesters who, like Mr. Chontorog, are late converts to militancy, who say they believe that the government has left them with no other choice by deploying so much lethal violence itself. On Thursday, a few antigovernment protesters could be seen carrying weapons. But with reports that the police have killed more than 70 demonstrators, most of the gunfire clearly came from the other side of the barricades. The interior minister reported that 29 police officers had been taken to the hospital and 67 had been captured by the protesters.
Nonetheless, the murky nature of the opposition gathered in Independence Square, at least on its fringes, is causing problems for the United States and the European Union, which would prefer a neat apposition of peaceful, pro-democracy demonstrators versus the thuggish kleptocracy of President Viktor F. Yanukovych. But that line of thinking often blurs in the streets.
The ambiguity was captured on Thursday by a 25-year-old man wearing a mask who, after a victorious battle on Khreshchatyk Street in Kiev that morning, gave a blunt summary of his cause: “Nationalism is what I believe in,” said the man, who gave his name only as Nikolo. “The nation is my religion.”
Since the protests began in November, after Mr. Yanukovych spurned a trade and political deal with the European Union, Nikolo has traveled six times from his home in the western city of Lviv to hurl firebombs and rocks, and to prove a belligerent point that violence works.
“What have humanism and pacifism ever brought to any nation?” he asked, clutching a battered metal shield and a metal rod, his soot-blackened face covered by a brown balaclava. “Revolutions are violent.”
Young militants like Mr. Chontorog and Nikolo are by no means the only presence on the streets. More typical, perhaps, is the 33-year-old manager of an American telephone company here who on Thursday drove his blue family car to the barricades and casually unloaded shopping bags filled with empty glass bottles to help replenish the protest movement’s supply of firebombs.
“A week or even a few days ago, I would never have seen myself doing this,” said the well-dressed manager, who gave only his first name, Viktor, a supporter from the start of what began three months ago as a peaceful and often joyous revolt against Mr. Yanukovych. “Now, I am ready to bring not just bottles but also gasoline.”
He added, in a commonly expressed sentiment: “Of course I don’t like violence. What is happening is very sad. But violence is just a response to violence on the other side.”
But while the ranks of the protesters are diverse, the young men like Nikolo are the foot soldiers in a deepening civil conflict, the steel that refuses to bend under the pressure of thousands of riot police officers, volleys of live ammunition, snipers on rooftops and the looming threat of martial law.
They are heirs to a nationalist tradition that traces its roots to Stepan Bandera and the fanatical nationalists of western Ukraine who violently opposed their Polish and Soviet overlords in the 1930s, ‘40s and ‘50s before finally being subdued.
The sotni provide a quasi-military discipline to the opposition’s street muscle. The commanders of the hundreds meet with other leaders of bands of young men under the umbrella of the Maidan Self Defense organization, which is led by Andri Parubi, a member of the opposition party Fatherland, though his control over some of the right-wing street groups appears tenuous at times.
In addition to the hundreds, several other groups have fielded militarized bands of men. The Svoboda political party, the parliamentary wing of a broader western Ukrainian nationalist movement, has activists armed with clubs, chains and other bludgeons.
Svoboda has at times clashed with another nationalist organization of mounting influence in the street politics called Right Sector, a coalition of a half-dozen hard-line nationalist groups that were once on the fringe, such as Patriots of Ukraine, Trident and White Hammer. The two organizations have also cooperated in occupying buildings and manning barricades.
They have also reached out far beyond just hard-core nationalists. Dmytro Yarosh, the leader of Right Sector, who is himself from eastern Ukraine, has proved a shrewd political operator fully aware that resistance on the street is not enough to oust Mr. Yanukovych. In a statement issued on Thursday, Mr. Yarosh appealed to Ukraine’s wealthiest businessmen, known as oligarchs, telling the widely despised billionaires that they “now have a chance to change people’s attitudes by switching to their side in order to stop the bloodshed.”
But if these groups, whose members are far outnumbered by nonviolent protesters and also by the police, were the only ones driving Ukraine’s opposition to Mr. Yanukovych, the president could easily have defeated them weeks ago. Behind them stands a mass of others who recoil at pugnacious nationalism and scenes of mayhem but who now stand shoulder to shoulder with outfits like Right Sector, enraged that security forces resorted to violence to crack down on what had been a mostly peaceful protest in the mold of the Orange Revolution of 2004.
Since the beginning of this week’s mayhem in Kiev on Tuesday, about 600 people a day have signed up to go from Lviv to the capital to join the protesters, according to Oksana Medved, 22, a psychologist. She was among the volunteer workers at one of what she said were three centers for people here to register for rides to the capital by bus or car.
Many Ukrainians, who doggedly oppose the government, look with horror at the use of firebombs, rocks and, on occasion, guns to oust the president, who was democratically elected in 2010 and whose future is scheduled to be decided at the ballot box in 2015.
Revulsion is particularly strong in the east of the country, where Mr. Yanukovych first made his career in politics, where most people speak Russian rather than Ukrainian, and where Ukrainian nationalist heroes like Stepan Bandera are viewed as fascist traitors.
“We have a genetic memory of fascism here,” said Anatoly Skripnik, a businessman in the eastern city of Dnepropetrovsk.
Many protesters played down the role that the quasi-military nationalist groups, and history, are playing in the confrontation. “Some from the west are nationalists,” said Nikolai Visinski, an artist, standing on a barricade Thursday evening. “But we are all united in wanting a change of government. You don’t hear people yelling about Stepan Bandera. People just want to live in a free country.”
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