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  • Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

    a nice rendition of the transfer of wealth from the hard-working savers to the vampire squids . . .




    I have a feature in the new issue of Rolling Stone called "Secrets and Lies of the Bailout," which focuses in large part on the seemingly intentional policy of deception in the government's rescue of the financial sector. The government didn't just bail out Wall Street with money: It also lied on Wall Street's behalf, calling unhealthy banks healthy, and helping banks cover up just how much aid they were getting in secret.

    Proponents of the bailouts will say that whatever the government did, it worked. The economy didn't collapse as it appeared it might in late 2008, and the stock markets are puffed up all over again, as financial companies in particular are back making huge profits.

    But in the course of researching the magazine piece, we discovered definite victims of the myriad deceptions that became a baked-in feature of the bailouts. One of those victims was a southern investment broker who lost lots of his own money, lost money for family members who'd invested with him, and (maybe worst of all) lost plenty of his clients' money, when he made investment decisions based on what turned out to be incomplete information.

    If this particular broker had known exactly how far the bailouts reached, neither he nor his clients would ever have lost so much. But during the crisis it was decided, by people deemed more important than small-town investment advisers and their clients, that the full story of the bailouts didn't need to be told.

    As a result, George Hartzman and his clients got creamed. In recent years we've heard a lot about how the bailouts saved the world. This is the other side of the story.

    ***
    George Hartzman is easy to like. The easygoing North Carolinian has every salesman's ability to grab you from the first moment with humor and charm, but what makes him a little bit of a different kind of cat – and I suspect some of this change developed after he joined the growing population of financial crisis-era whistleblowers, dismissed from a Wells Fargo brokerage after making complaints about what he felt were bailout-related abuses – is that the humor is often self-directed. He loves to tell stories about all the goofy, sometimes-dicey sales jobs he's taken over the years, and the hard work he put in to get really good at each and every one of them.

    "Hell, I even sold encyclopedias," he says, laughing. "You just look 'em in the eye and say, 'Listen, do you want your kids to go to college, or not?'" He laughs again. "What are they going to say?"

    Now 45 years old, George as a younger man sold it all – copiers, above-ground aluminum swimming pools, even vinyl siding, a job which he describes as selling "relatively bad things to the relatively elderly." In down times, he waited tables and tended bar at a restaurant/nightclub in a tough section of Greensboro, where he said the rule was, "you don't take out the trash through the back door without somebody with a gun."

    But throughout it all, he wanted to be in finance, wanted to buy stocks and bonds and actually make money for people, as opposed to just talking old folks into buying stuff they maybe didn't need. Eventually he got his chance, working at several national brokerage firms through the 2000s, paying his dues as the guy who sucked it up for the endless cold calls.

    "Do you have any money, anywhere, that's earning less than 7 percent right now?" he says, chuckling as he quotes his old self. "I must have said that line, I shit you not, not less than 100,000 times."

    Eventually, George found himself selling retirement and investment plans as a broker for the granddaddy of Carolinian megabanks, Wachovia. Working out of the Greensboro, North Carolina area, he handled dozens of clients, including himself and several of his family members, and by 2007 had settled in to what he thought was the good life working for Wachovia Advisors, managing tens of millions in assets for the huge national brokerage firm.

    In hindsight, it's ironic – given that the vast federal bailouts were what ultimately sank George's career as a broker – that when Wachovia went belly-up in 2008, George's job was initially saved by a bailout. After its collapse (caused in large part by its disastrous 2006 acquisition of subprime-laden Golden West financial), the giant bank was swallowed up in a state-aided merger by Wells Fargo, which received as much as $36 billion in cash and special tax breaks as it was finishing the merger deal.

    When the merger was finished, Wells Fargo was the fourth-largest commercial bank holding company in America, and George Hartzman found himself working essentially the same job, only with a new name on his letterhead – Wells Fargo Advisors.

    While brokers in most places started taking the big bath in 2007 and 2008 as the subprime market collapsed, George was quietly killing it. In both those years he made very good money for his clients, his family and himself, mainly by shorting the very companies that had inflated the subprime bubble, firms with names like Goldman, Sachs, MBIA and Merrill Lynch.

    "I saw it early," he says, a bit immodestly, but with perspective, too. "I was doing great, right up until the time I wasn't."

    When I called former clients of George's to check his story, they confirmed that he took a much different and more aggressive approach than your average broker. George's clients seemed to like him a lot, and were impressed by how hard he worked at a job that a lot of storefront brokers just mail in.

    "A lot of guys will just tell you that you just have to stay in the market, that in the long run, things always go up," says John Mandrano, a former CPA who trusted a sizable portion of his retirement fund with George. "George was different. He really put a lot of thought into what he was doing. And he invested his own money, and his family's money, so you know he had a stake in what he was doing."

    Having made money betting against Wall Street in 2007 and 2008, George planned on continuing the same strategy in 2009, even after the bailouts. In early 2009, he placed a series of short bets against the market, among other things betting against an index of real estate trusts and the S&P 500. He explained to his clients that even though the government and the talking heads in the financial press kept insisting the worst was over, he still thought a lot of firms, particularly financial firms, were in deep trouble.
    "I thought they were screwed," he says. "The numbers just didn't add up."

    What happened instead is that the stock market went into a prolonged and seemingly miraculous rebound, with the NYSE soaring from the mid-6000s in February of 2009 to over 13,000 in recent months. George couldn't figure out how so many seemingly insolvent companies were doing it – where was the money coming from?

    He and his clients started taking a beating in early 2009 as the stock market crept upward. He kept waiting for another crash to come, but a March 2009 news story freaked him out, leading him to worry if maybe he wasn't seeing the whole picture.

    George remembers reading about a remarkable incident in which President Barack Obama took time out in the middle of an Oval Office photo-op with British Prime Minister Gordon Brown to essentially urge Americans to buy stocks. This is from an old ABC News report:


    "What you’re now seeing is … profit and earning ratios are starting to get to the point where buying stocks is a potentially good deal if you’ve got a long-term perspective on it," the president said on a day that trading continued to hover under 7,000.


    When the president of the United States starts going out of his way to tell America to buy into the stock market, you have to wonder about any decision you might just have made to bet heavily against him.

    "I was like, 'What the hell is that?'" George says. "That had me worried, for sure."

    Sure enough, the markets rose, and George eventually pulled all of his short bets and "went to cash," taking his portfolio to money market accounts and other safe harbors, but the damage was done. As well as he'd done shorting Wall Street in 2007 and 2008, he did just as badly in the years afterward.

    He lost personally, he lost his family's money, and he was heartbroken to lose money for his clients, with whom he'd consulted closely throughout, evangelically insisting that the fundamentals on Wall Street couldn't possibly hold up for long.

    "I'm 68 years old," says one woman who invested a significant part of her retirement fund with George. "I should be retired right now, but I'm not."

    George agonized over his mistake, poring over news reports as well as the SEC disclosures and annual reports of all the big banks in search of an explanation, but didn't find one. It wasn't until August of 2011 that George saw a partial explanation.

    Bloomberg earlier that year had taken the Federal Reserve to the Supreme Court and won the right to have a historic Freedom of Information Act request honored. The news agency in its FOIA hunt had demanded access to the data from congressionally-mandated one-time audit of America's quasi-public Federal Reserve System.

    When the Supreme Court rejected the Fed's demands for secrecy, Bloomberg was handed over the data. The news agency learned that Wall Street companies like Goldman, Citigroup and even Wachovia/Wells Fargo had collectively borrowed upwards of $7 trillion from the Fed through a variety of programs that were never intended to be disclosed to the public. This meant that the government had extended a secret lifeline to Wall Street upwards of ten times the size of the TARP program. The agency reported the sensational news in August 2011 and eventually shared all of its data with the public.

    When George saw the Bloomberg story, he was floored. He felt like a fool, having bet against companies that essentially had limitless charge cards with the government all along. Had he known, he insists, he would never have stayed short so long.

    Moreover, he believes that many companies that took that secret lending would have been saved if investors knew how much credit they had with the government. He points to his own former firm, Wachovia, which (for example) according to the Bloomberg data borrowed $3.5 billion from the Fed's TAF program on March 27, 2008, never announcing the move. The next day, Wachovia's stock plunged 4 percent.

    "I believe that if Wachovia had announced the loan details at the time," George says, "the stock price might have gone up instead."

    Even worse, when George checked the SEC disclosures and annual reports of other banks and financial companies, he found something interesting. Some banks, in particular smaller regional banks, did disclose their emergency financing from the Fed. He points as an example to the Carolina-based Union Bank and Trust, which announced its relatively small $5 million lifeline with the Federal Reserve on page 16 of its 2009 Annual Report.

    "If some did disclose and some didn't, what the hell was going on?" he wondered.

    George wasn't alone in asking that question. As I learned during the course of researching the "Secrets and Lies" piece, the SEC seemingly wondered the same thing when it saw the Bloomberg reporting in 2011. From the feature:


    Two former high-ranking financial regulators tell Rolling Stone that the secret loans were likely subject to a 1989 guideline, issued by the Securities and Exchange Commission in the heat of the savings and loan crisis, which said that financial institutions should disclose the "nature, amounts and effects" of any government aid. At the end of 2011, in fact, the SEC sent letters to Citigroup, Chase, Goldman Sachs, Bank of America and Wells Fargo asking them why they hadn't fully disclosed their secret borrowing. All five megabanks essentially replied, to varying degrees of absurdity, that their massive borrowing from the Fed was not "material," or that the piecemeal disclosure they had engaged in was adequate.


    In any case, when George thought about the issue, he suddenly realized he was in a bind ethically. He wanted to tell his clients about the non-disclosure problem, and how that might have helped cause their losses, but as the SEC's letters make plain, there was really no way to do that without pointing out that his own company, Wells Fargo, was one of the firms that had not disclosed its billions in secret borrowing.

    He called the Wells Fargo ethics hotline for guidance, but says he got no help. George says the only response he got from his company was that they had conducted an investigation and months later, closed the matter. Wells Fargo, for its part, declined to address George's situation specifically other than to say that "all Wells Fargo team members are encouraged to express their concerns and can expect that those concerns will be taken seriously, reviewed and addressed if appropriate."

    As for George's concerns about the disclosure issue vis-a-vis Wells Fargo, the bank believes it was never obligated to disclose the borrowing highlighted in the Bloomberg piece. In its response to the SEC on the issue in December of 2011, the company insisted that "our participation in the referenced programs did not materially affect, and was not reasonably likely to have a material future effect upon our financial condition or results of operations."

    In early 2009, Wells Fargo had a balance of over $45 billion with the Fed, but apparently even that sum of money fell short of being material.

    Anyway, George was eventually fired, for making noise about this issue and one other (more about that some other time). After his dismissal, he began a new life, familiar to many in the crisis era, as a perennially-frustrated whistleblower unable to elicit any serious response from either the authorities or the news media. He appealed to the self-regulating organization that governs investment advisers, FINRA, and also appealed to the SEC, but says he got no help in either place.

    The real import of Hartzman's story is that he and his clients lost money when they made what in retrospect turned out to be poor investment decisions, because they were denied access to the same information many of America's leading banks (and, by extension, its leading bankers) had in the years after the crash.

    Most galling of all to Hartzman was Bloomberg's analysis which showed that the banks receiving secret bailout monies earned some $13 billion in profits by taking advantage of the Fed's below-market rates.

    It was one thing when he'd merely lost money betting against firms without all the data at his fingertips – it was another when companies like his very own former firm Wells Fargo could make (according to Bloomberg) $878 million in profits by availing itself of the secret aid.

    "When I saw they made so much profit from this, that's when I got really angry," Hartzman says. "I was like, 'They made $878 million? Hell, no.'"

    "That's the thing that really hurts," says the 68 year-old client of George's who lost retirement money. "It's that the banks made money on this, and it really came out of my pocket."

    Mandrano, another of George's clients, runs a business restoring historic homes. "It's funny, all this talk about the small businessman, that's who I am," he says. "I've got crews out there. I'm paying people, I'm churning money through the economy, for cleaners, and plumbers, and haulers, and carpenters, and so on. I'm making my contribution. But when you sit there and you lose 20 percent of your retirement because there's no full disclosure, it's a real kick in the gut."

    This is the real problem with the bailouts, and the issue we tried to underscore with the "Secrets and Lies" piece. With their hide-and-seek policies, bogus stress testing and stubborn insistence on calling failing banks healthy and publicly endorsing other such fibs, the architects of the federal rescue (from both the Bush and Obama administrations, as well as from the Federal Reserve) created a two-tiered market. The new economy has two classes of investors: those who know the real numbers, and those who don't.

    So while the proponents of the bailout will argue they were a success, and the covert and overt federal support helped bring the Dow all the way back from below 7,000 to above 13,000 – there's another bitter reality, which is that the bailouts officially created a sucker class.

    When banks started making fortunes again in 2009 and beyond, it wasn't a victimless situation. There were losers in this trade, too. Hartzman and his clients are examples of the kind of people who lost when the government made decisions about who's entitled to the truth and who wasn't. As one former hedge fund manager put it to me recently, "Joe Sixpack has no chance in this market."


  • #2
    Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

    Originally posted by don/matt
    a nice rendition of the transfer of wealth from the hard-working savers to the vampire squids . . .




    I have a feature in the new issue of Rolling Stone called "Secrets and Lies of the Bailout," which focuses in large part on the seemingly intentional policy of deception in the government's rescue of the financial sector. The government didn't just bail out Wall Street with money: It also lied on Wall Street's behalf, calling unhealthy banks healthy, and helping banks cover up just how much aid they were getting in secret.

    Proponents of the bailouts will say that whatever the government did, it worked. .....
    thats really QUITE debateable; 'worked' for whom? tell that to the millions of independent smallbiz/tradespeople et al, who have yet to see any kind of 'recovery' - never mind the millions of recent graduates, now saddled with trillions in debt, who will be lucky to get any kind of job (that'll allow them to cover said debt), any time soon


    Originally posted by matt
    ....the architects of the federal rescue (from both the Bush and Obama administrations, as well as from the Federal Reserve) created a two-tiered market. The new economy has two classes of investors: those who know the real numbers, and those who don't.

    So while the proponents of the bailout will argue they were a success, and the covert and overt federal support helped bring the Dow all the way back from below 7,000 to above 13,000 – there's another bitter reality, which is that the bailouts officially created a sucker class.

    When banks started making fortunes again in 2009 and beyond, it wasn't a victimless situation. There were losers in this trade, too. Hartzman and his clients are examples of the kind of people who lost when the government made decisions about who's entitled to the truth and who wasn't. As one former hedge fund manager put it to me recently, "Joe Sixpack has no chance in this market."

    i think its kinda cute that he drags geedubya into this, like HE had anything to do with it whatsoever!
    considering he was a lameduck since 2007 and without prince harry and queen nancy's involvement, how would TARP ever have happened?

    never mind the fact that tarp was 'only' 875bil ? and the ultimate number was seven T R I L L I O N ??

    i still say that if even so much as 20% of the electorate had seen INSIDE JOB, the pbs/frontline docs and had read even 10% of whats on this site?

    THERE WOULD BE RIOTING IN THE STREETS.

    but i guess that when 'from 40000 feet nothing looks illegal' all this must be OK, right?

    where's the outrage, indeed.

    Comment


    • #3
      Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

      i think its kinda cute that he drags geedubya into this, like HE had anything to do with it whatsoever! considering he was a lameduck since 2007 and without prince harry and queen nancy's involvement, how would TARP ever have happened?
      INDEED ;)



      those in positions of responsibility should spotlight "the dream" and make sure it shines through all neighborhoods.

      but when the dream turns out to be a nightmare crisis for the dreamer, the incidents are best seen as isolated rather than connected.

      ...then again, maybe not...

      the blame needs to be focused...er... shined... aggressively on both political parties (through all neighborhoods) or else things devolve into the hack half-narrative stuff where people discuss the problem as being a left or right issue, rather than discussing the root problem of the banks owning both political parties.
      Last edited by seobook; January 09, 2013, 07:34 PM. Reason: bolded key point

      Comment


      • #4
        Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

        more partisan claptrap. we have a one-party system. EJ thinks so. I second that (e)motion.

        Comment


        • #5
          Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

          Originally posted by seobook View Post
          The blame needs to be focused aggressively on both political parties
          http://www.washingtonpost.com/busine...M_story_1.html

          ●Fed Chair Alan Greenspan dropped rates to 1 percent — levels not seen for half a century — and kept them there for an unprecedentedly long period. This caused a spiral in anything priced in dollars (i.e., oil, gold) or credit (i.e., housing) or liquidity driven (i.e., stocks).

          ●Low rates meant asset managers could no longer get decent yields from municipal bonds or Treasurys. Instead, they turned to high-yield mortgage-backed securities. Nearly all of them failed to do adequate due diligence before buying them, did not understand these instruments or the risk involved. They violated one of the most important rules of investing: Know what you own.

          ●Fund managers made this error because they relied on the credit ratings agencies — Moody’s, S&P and Fitch. They had placed an AAA rating on these junk securities, claiming they were as safe as U.S. Treasurys.

          • Derivatives had become a uniquely unregulated financial instrument. They are exempt from all oversight, counter-party disclosure, exchange listing requirements, state insurance supervision and, most important, reserve requirements. This allowed AIG to write $3 trillion in derivatives while reserving precisely zero dollars against future claims.

          • The Securities and Exchange Commission changed the leverage rules for just five Wall Street banks in 2004. The “Bear Stearns exemption” replaced the 1977 net capitalization rule’s 12-to-1 leverage limit. In its place, it allowed unlimited leverage for Goldman Sachs, Morgan Stanley, Merrill Lynch, Lehman Brothers and Bear Stearns. These banks ramped leverage to 20-, 30-, even 40-to-1. Extreme leverage leaves very little room for error.

          •Wall Street’s compensation system was skewed toward short-term performance. It gives traders lots of upside and none of the downside. This creates incentives to take excessive risks.

          • The demand for higher-yielding paper led Wall Street to begin bundling mortgages. The highest yielding were subprime mortgages. This market was dominated by non-bank originators exempt from most regulations. The Fed could have supervised them, but Greenspan did not.

          • These mortgage originators’ lend-to-sell-to-securitizers model had them holding mortgages for a very short period. This allowed them to get creative with underwriting standards, abdicating traditional lending metrics such as income, credit rating, debt-service history and loan-to-value.

          • “Innovative” mortgage products were developed to reach more subprime borrowers. These include 2/28 adjustable-rate mortgages, interest-only loans, piggy-bank mortgages (simultaneous underlying mortgage and home-equity lines) and the notorious negative amortization loans (borrower’s indebtedness goes up each month). These mortgages defaulted in vastly disproportionate numbers to traditional 30-year fixed mortgages.

          ●To keep up with these newfangled originators, traditional banks developed automated underwriting systems. The software was gamed by employees paid on loan volume, not quality.

          ●Glass-Steagall legislation, which kept Wall Street and Main Street banks walled off from each other, was repealed in 1998. This allowed FDIC-insured banks, whose deposits were guaranteed by the government, to engage in highly risky business. It also allowed the banks to bulk up, becoming bigger, more complex and unwieldy.

          ●Many states had anti-predatory lending laws on their books (along with lower defaults and foreclosure rates). In 2004, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency federally preempted state laws regulating mortgage credit and national banks. Following this change, national lenders sold increasingly risky loan products in those states. Shortly after, their default and foreclosure rates skyrocketed.

          Comment


          • #6
            Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

            Originally posted by seobook View Post
            INDEED ;)

            those in positions of responsibility should spotlight "the dream" and make sure it shines through all neighborhoods.

            but when the dream turns out to be a nightmare crisis for the dreamer, the incidents are best seen as isolated rather than connected.

            ...then again, maybe not...

            the blame needs to be focused...er... shined... aggressively on both political parties (through all neighborhoods) or else things devolve into the hack half-narrative stuff where people discuss the problem as being a left or right issue, rather than discussing the root problem of the banks owning both political parties.
            +1, seo
            and don - i do agree of course - but methinks the problem resides more in the political class, as the banksters are just inclined to do whatever they can get away with - and its CONgress, on BOTH sides of the aisle - that enables them - while the dept of justice looks the other way - or worse, as we've seen plenty of the past 4years, in particular.

            and i dont mean to sound like i'm defending geedubya's administration nor the Republicans, but they did at least try to throttle what was going on thruout the mid-naughties, didnt they?

            will look over those links asap - have to attend to that disgusting habit of having to work for a living

            Comment


            • #7
              Mr Gummit Did It - George Hartzman RIP

              James M. Buchanan, Economic Scholar and Nobel Laureate, Dies at 93



              By ROBERT D. McFADDEN

              James M. Buchanan, a scholar and author whose analyses of economic and political decision-making won the 1986 Nobel in economic sciences and shaped a generation of conservative thinking about deficits, taxes and the size of government, died on Wednesday in Blacksburg, Va. He was 93.

              Alex Tabarrok, the director of the Center for Study of Public Choice at George Mason University, which Mr. Buchanan founded, confirmed his death.

              Dr. Buchanan, a professor emeritus at George Mason, in Fairfax, Va., was a leading proponent of public choice theory, which assumes that politicians and government officials, like everyone else, are motivated by self-interest — getting re-elected or gaining more power — and do not necessarily act in the public interest.

              He argued that their actions could be analyzed, and even predicted, by applying the tools of economics to political science in ways that yield insights into the tendencies of governments to grow, increase spending, borrow money, run large deficits and let regulations proliferate.

              The logic of self-interest was nothing new. Machiavelli’s 16th-century treatise “The Prince” detailed cynical rules of statecraft to extend political power. Thomas Hobbes, in his 17th-century book “Leviathan,” held that aggressive, self-serving acts were “natural” unless forbidden by law. Adam Smith’s “The Wealth of Nations,” published in 1776, noted that people pursuing their own good also produced benefits for society at large.

              But Dr. Buchanan contended that the pursuit of self-interest by modern politicians often led to harmful public results. Courting voters at election time, for example, legislators will approve tax cuts and spending increases for projects and entitlements favored by the electorate. This combination can lead to ever-rising deficits, public debt burdens and increasingly large governments to conduct the public’s business.

              Indeed, he said, governments had grown so vast and complex that it was no longer possible for elected officials to make more than a fraction of the policy decisions that genuinely affect the people. Thus, he said, much discretionary power is actually held by civil functionaries who can manipulate priorities, impose barriers to entitlements and pressure legislators for rules and budgets favorable to their own interests.

              Dr. Buchanan did not invent the theory of public choice, an idea whose origins are obscure but that arose in modern economics literature in the late 1940s. But from the 1950s onward, he became its leading proponent, spearheading a group of economists in Virginia that sought to change the nature of the political process, to bring it more into line with what the group considered the wishes of most Americans.

              In lectures, articles and more than 30 books, Dr. Buchanan amplified on the theory of public choice and argued for smaller government, lower deficits and fewer regulations — a spectrum of policy objectives that were ascendant in the 1980s conservative agenda of President Ronald Reagan.

              Over the years since Dr. Buchanan won the Nobel, much of what he predicted has played out. Government is bigger than ever. Tax revenue has fallen far short of public programs’ needs. Public and private borrowing has become a way of life. Politicians still act in their own interests while espousing the public good, and national deficits have soared into the trillions.

              Dr. Buchanan partly blamed Keynesian economics for what he considered a decline in America’s fiscal discipline. John Maynard Keynes argued that budget deficits were not only unavoidable but in fiscal emergencies were even desirable as a means to increase spending, create jobs and cut unemployment. But that reasoning allowed politicians to rationalize deficits under many circumstances and over long periods, Dr. Buchanan contended.

              In a commentary in The New York Times in March 2011, Tyler Cowen, an economics professor at George Mason, said his colleague Dr. Buchanan had accurately forecast that deficit spending for short-term gains would evolve into “a permanent disconnect” between government outlays and revenue.

              “We end up institutionalizing irresponsibility in the federal government, the largest and most central institution in our society,” Dr. Cowen wrote. “As we fail to make progress on entitlement reform with each passing year, Professor Buchanan’s essentially moral critique of deficit spending looks more prophetic.”

              James McGill Buchanan Jr. was born in Murfreesboro, Tenn., on Oct. 2, 1919, the son of a farmer and a schoolteacher, Lila Scott Buchanan. His grandfather John Price Buchanan was governor of Tennessee from 1891 to 1893.

              He attended Middle Tennessee State Teachers College in Murfreesboro, living at home and milking cows to pay his way. He graduated first in his class in 1940, and earned a master’s degree in economics at the University of Tennessee in 1941. He joined the Navy, became an officer and served in World War II on the staff of Adm. Chester W. Nimitz, the Pacific Fleet commander.

              In 1945, he married Anne Bakke. The couple had no children.

              Dr. Buchanan earned his doctorate in 1948 at the University of Chicago, a hive of brilliant conservative economists known as the Chicago School, where he was influenced by the free-market economist Frank Hyneman Knight and by the writings of the 19th-century Swedish economist Knut Wicksell, who likened politics to fair exchanges among citizens and organizations.

              Dr. Buchanan began teaching economics at the University of Tennessee, rising to full professor in 1950. He moved to Florida State University in 1951, and became chairman of its economics department in 1954. On a Fulbright grant, he studied in Italy in 1955-56, further developing his ideas on politics and economics.

              He then became chairman of the economics department at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville, where in 1957 he and the economist G. Warren Nutter founded the Thomas Jefferson Center for Studies in Political Economy. Dr. Buchanan, its director for a decade, called it “a community of scholars who wished to preserve a social order based on individual liberty.”

              After a year at the University of California, Los Angeles, Dr. Buchanan, in 1969, joined the Virginia Polytechnic Institute in Blacksburg, where he and the economist Gordon Tullock founded the Center for Study of Public Choice. They moved the center to George Mason in 1983, and it became the headquarters for public choice disciples. Conservative foundations helped support the center financially. Dr. Buchanan lived in Blacksburg.

              Dr. Buchanan, an austere man with a severe aspect that many students found intimidating, often spoke of complex phenomena in metaphors, referring, for example, to politics as a game and to the Constitution as its rules. His books included “The Calculus of Consent: Logical Foundations of Constitutional Democracy” (1962, with Gordon Tullock) and “The Limits of Liberty: Between Anarchy and Leviathan” (1975).

              He was a senior fellow at the Cato Institute, a libertarian research organization in Washington. He called himself a libertarian, but insisted that his ideas were primarily academic, not narrowly political, even when they inspired citizens’ property tax revolts or balanced-budget movements.

              In awarding his Nobel, the Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences cited his work on economic and political decision-making. “Buchanan’s foremost achievement,” it said, “is that he has consistently and tenaciously emphasized the significance of fundamental rules and applied the concept of the political system as an exchange process for the achievement of mutual advantages.”

              Dr. Buchanan said the prize highlighted his long struggle for a concept. “I have faced a sometimes lonely and mostly losing battle of ideas for some 30 years now in efforts to bring academic economists’ opinions into line with those of the man on the street,” he said. “My task has been to ‘uneducate’ the economists.”


              http://www.nytimes.com/2013/01/10/bu...ref=obituaries

              Comment


              • #8
                Re: Mr Gummit Did It - George Hartzman RIP

                Based solely on the above obit - I've never read the man - I would agree it's all the government's fault IF we were talking about the Soviet Politburo. They WERE the ruling elite. Can't buy it here. Our government has been used by every dominant elite that could bend it to its agenda, from Railroads to Big Oil to Consumer Production to FIRE. And always, since WW2, "Defense". Sure, our guys are for sale. The revolving door, armies of lobbyists - many former congressmen - it stinks but they're not the head of the snake. Hell, most of them never read what they vote on. And to say, as Hartzman appears to, that it's the Civil Servants. He must be joking. Bureaucratic dip shits? In spades. But captains of a powerful state's political economy.


                Comment


                • #9
                  Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

                  This story reminds me of how glad I am to have found this site, via EJ's Harper's article. In 2008-09 I wanted to do what George Hartzman did. What EJ hasn't done after the American Financial Crisis (short treasuries, for example) has saved some of us a lot of money.

                  Comment


                  • #10
                    Re: Taibbi: Upfront & Personal with George Hartzman

                    Originally posted by btattoo View Post
                    This story reminds me of how glad I am to have found this site, via EJ's Harper's article. In 2008-09 I wanted to do what George Hartzman did. What EJ hasn't done after the American Financial Crisis (short treasuries, for example) has saved some of us a lot of money.
                    +1

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                    • #11
                      Re: Mr Gummit Did It - George Hartzman RIP

                      being one of limited education and a 2-fingah typist - this one will take me some time, mr don - but i _will_ get back to you.

                      ;)

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                      • #12
                        Re: Mr Gummit Did It - George Hartzman RIP

                        They say the Market is like one big casino now. The first rule in the casino is the house always wins. The odds are stacked in their favor. You may get up at some point but if you stay in the casino you will give it all back. The trick is being able to take your money and run when your up. Problem is today where you gonna put that money if your the average joe with a company run 401k and limited options.

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                        • #13
                          Re: Mr Gummit Did It - George Hartzman RIP

                          Interesting story, but its a little late. What's new? How many people since 2009 made ill-informed investment decisions. Recall iTulip call in mid 2009 for a major correction (30%?) later that year which never materialized. We were all duped b/c we didn't have all the information and the gov/insiders rigged/fixed the market. Fundamentals have ceased to matter.

                          In early 2009 I told my 84 yr old Dad I was out of the market and owned gold and short term treasuries. He piled all this wealth over the course of a few quarters into junk bonds which turned out to be the absolute best short-mid term move. When I asked him how he knew to do that, he said that he knew the government would backstop the system. He was dead on right and benefitted from his prescience and what in retrospect looks like common sense (notwithstanding its insanity and injusticeness).

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