This reads like a response to Taibbi.
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-0...owenstein.html
Excerpt
While it may be harder to prove criminal guilt, it’s easier for people to believe that some bad actor is the cause of bad things. This is a persistent trait in the national character. Historian Richard Hofstadter identified it in 1964 as “The Paranoid Style in American Politics.”
He was writing mostly about McCarthyism, though he recognized that paranoia isn’t limited to the political Right. Nor is it always harnessed to an unworthy cause; convicting criminals, especially in high places, isn’t just worthy, it’s crucial to democracy.
The paranoid style, as Hofstadter defined it, has as much to do with “style” as paranoia -- it’s about “the way in which ideas are believed [more] than with the truth or falsity of their content.” It spawned a rhetoric that tilted every question toward conspiracy, so that random or unfortunate events were seen to compose a “baffling pattern.”
Thus, the “sharp decline” -- Hofstadter was writing about America’s perceived international strength, not the price of real estate -- did not “just happen.” It was inevitably brought about by “will and intention.”
We could follow this strain through the dismal historiography of JFK assassination buffs to the beliefs that Washington was implicated in Pearl Harbor and Sept. 11, to the anti-federalist fantasies of the far right.
Such inquiries adhere to what Nassim N. Taleb, author of “The Black Swan,” describes as the “narrative fallacy” -- the desire to impose on chaotic events a more deterministic set of causalities.
http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-0...owenstein.html
Excerpt
While it may be harder to prove criminal guilt, it’s easier for people to believe that some bad actor is the cause of bad things. This is a persistent trait in the national character. Historian Richard Hofstadter identified it in 1964 as “The Paranoid Style in American Politics.”
He was writing mostly about McCarthyism, though he recognized that paranoia isn’t limited to the political Right. Nor is it always harnessed to an unworthy cause; convicting criminals, especially in high places, isn’t just worthy, it’s crucial to democracy.
The paranoid style, as Hofstadter defined it, has as much to do with “style” as paranoia -- it’s about “the way in which ideas are believed [more] than with the truth or falsity of their content.” It spawned a rhetoric that tilted every question toward conspiracy, so that random or unfortunate events were seen to compose a “baffling pattern.”
Thus, the “sharp decline” -- Hofstadter was writing about America’s perceived international strength, not the price of real estate -- did not “just happen.” It was inevitably brought about by “will and intention.”
We could follow this strain through the dismal historiography of JFK assassination buffs to the beliefs that Washington was implicated in Pearl Harbor and Sept. 11, to the anti-federalist fantasies of the far right.
Such inquiries adhere to what Nassim N. Taleb, author of “The Black Swan,” describes as the “narrative fallacy” -- the desire to impose on chaotic events a more deterministic set of causalities.
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