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  • consumer metrics update/commentary

    January 12, 2011 - Reflecting Back on 2010:

    The last of the BEA GDP reports issued during 2010 indicated that the "real final sales of domestic product" were growing at an anemic 0.9% rate during both the second and third quarters of 2010. This number is calculated by reducing the headline GDP number by the net amount of goods being added to manufacturing inventories (and therefore not being sold to end consumers). Their characterization of the number as the "real final sales" within the economy is telling, and a 0.9% annualized growth rate over the course of the six middle months of the year is statistically indistinguishable from a dead flat economy.

    However mediocre that growth may have been, at the end of 2010 the data that we track was materially weaker. The on-line consumers that we track still appear to be reluctant to take on new debt, and they remain cautious in their expectations for the economy in 2011. The heavily reported increases in holiday spending came primarily from reductions in personal savings rates, and that holiday "feel-good" spending may ultimately turn out to be merely brought forward from the first quarter of 2011 -- similar to holiday dietary indulgences preceding fervently resolved first quarter diets. In any event, the consumers that we track are still contracting their year-over-year discretionary durable goods purchases at levels that indicate that something is still seriously amiss in this economy.

    A look at our Contraction Watch shows that our Daily Growth Index remained in year-over-year contraction from the middle of January through the end of the year:






    In the above chart the day-by-day courses of the 2008 and 2010 contractions in our Daily Growth Index are plotted in a superimposed manner with the plots aligned on the left margin at the first day during each event that our Daily Growth Index went negative. The plots then progress day-by-day to the right, tracing out the changes in the daily rate of contraction in consumer demand for the two events. The 2010 contraction event is now very nearly a year old, dating back to January 15, 2010. Although the chart clearly bottomed at about 9 months into the contraction (at roughly 270 days), the rise since that bottom has been neither steady nor substantial. In fact, there is no way to forecast when the indicated contraction will end based solely on the recent course of the blue line.

    Frankly, our greatest disappointment in 2010 was how even the feeble 0.9% growth rates of "real final sales of domestic product" during the second and third quarters began to diverge significantly from the much weaker data that we track. The divergences started in the second quarter and widened during the third -- with early consensus expectations for the fourth quarter of 2010 pointing to divergences that likely continued through the end of the year.

    We have taken from this experience a number of key lessons. These lessons have helped us understand that 2010 was a year of extraordinary distortions in the sources of economic growth in the U.S. economy. Even though it was the fourth consecutive year of unprecedented governmental intervention in the economy, this time the interventions were not targeted exclusively at rescuing financial institutions, auto makers and the housing market. By the second quarter of 2010 the full impact of both a wide range of stimulus spending and the defacto devaluation of the dollar was supplanting the consumer as the primary (and traditional) source of economic growth in the U.S. economy.

    The shift to non-consumer sources of economic growth was clearly not the sole reason for the divergence between our indexes and the commonly reported measurements of the economy. By the third quarter we began to understand that the demographics of the consumers most likely to buy on-line were the same as those households most severely impacted by the recession. Unwittingly, some of the previously identified sampling biases in our data collection methodologies turned out to be much more significant than we might have suspected. Simply put, young and highly educated members of generations "X" and "Y" were particularly vulnerable to the hallmarks of this recession: entry level job losses and vanishing home equity.

    Reflecting back on 2010, we can offer a number of observations directly from our data:

    ► GDP growth rates can be significantly impacted by non-consumer line items. Manufacturers building inventory, export growth, increased governmental spending and (counter-intuitively) consumer cut-backs on imported goods have all increased the GDP during portions of 2010 even as "real final" consumer commerce remained relatively flat.

    ► This recession was not a shared experience. Some consumers were especially hard hit by the downturn, just as they may have been the very same demographics that benefited the most from the expansion that led up to the 2007 peak. Unfortunately, the consumers who provide the transactions that we capture appear to be disproportionately among those most severely impacted by this recession.

    ► At year-end 2010 consumers were still cautious about the long term. In effect, the massive stimulus applied by the government during 2010 still didn't significantly improve longer term consumer confidence. Households are still deleveraging, albeit at a moderated pace. Consumers are still reacting to their own personal (and highly localized) assessments of the employment and housing markets, and they currently see no reason to significantly change their new-found conservative behaviors.

    ► Recession-fatigued consumers can self-medicate with holiday spending while still adhering to long term outlooks. December consumer confidence surveys clearly indicate that consumers are not yet convinced that the "recovery" is real or sustainable. A corollary to that observation is that retail sales surveys can be a misleading indication of the quality of commerce.

    We can also offer some other general economic observations more broadly hinted at in our data:

    ► Infrastructure spending by governments is poor way to stimulate the economy. Repaving roads is a great way to spend vast sums of money on asphalt and concrete. It is a less efficient way to create quality long term jobs, revitalize the housing market or (evidently) help the consumers we track.

    ► Corporate earnings can be a misleading indication of the health of national commerce. Major U.S. corporations are in a privileged position in the economic food chain, with access to overseas markets, commercial paper, cheap loans, ruthless human resources departments, governmental contracts and stimulus monies. The people actually creating new jobs don't have such access. This is the business corollary to the "not a shared experience" mentioned above -- and it directly impacts the vast majority of the on-line merchants that provide the flip side of the consumer transactions we track.

    ► In time the unemployed simply disappear. They transform into students, the underemployed, the "discouraged," the prematurely retired or the chronically starving self-employed. Compared to the 1930's however, a surviving second household income has often mitigated the human suffering -- even as upside-down mortgages have prevented the mobility necessary to pursue elusive jobs. Many of the households caught in those binds are part of the "tech-savvy" cohort of on-line shoppers that we have tracked since 2004.

    ► Rescuing banks does not stimulate the economy. Saving banks may be necessary to prevent economic Armageddon, but it is not sufficient (in and of itself) to ensure a self-sustaining recovery. When provided with enough taxpayer cash to be both liquid and solvent, banks will promptly act in their own self interest. And changing regulatory benchmarks and/or accounting rules only facilitates that behavior. Our data includes the impact of the housing sector on the economy, and rescuing the banks has clearly not revitalized that industry.

    ► Ben Bernanke can't force people to borrow money that they don't want. And as mentioned above, he also apparently can't force banks to lend money they would rather use for other purposes, especially if all the highly qualified borrowers don't need any more debt. Over the past three years the Fed has discovered the limits to what "policy" can do, and the quality shift in the transactions we track indicates that our consumers still have no interest in leveraging back up.

    ► By "feeling the economic pain" among their constituents, politicians have promised results they don't have the means to deliver. Blame this political empowerment on Keynes, although it has certainly created a nice gig for Alan Greenspan and his successors. The problem is that now the "policy" cupboard has gone bare. Fortunately, Lincoln was right: you can't fool all of the people all of the time. Deep down the public knows that politicians can't really fix things -- especially if gridlock is setting in. Unlike 2008, this year our data never did see a substantial uptick after the electoral "FUD" (Fear, Uncertainty and Doubt) was resolved. Our consumers seem to know that -- self medicated holiday cheer aside -- the macro picture isn't going to change anytime soon.

    We are in the business of collecting data about on-line consumer transactions for discretionary durable goods. We're not going to change what we do (as some have suggested) when the GDP stops tracking our on-line consumers or when the housing market becomes irrelevant within the latest quarter of economic data. Our job will remain the publication of what we collect, however contrary that data may be. And right now that data is materially weaker that many people would like to believe.

    http://www.consumerindexes.com/

  • #2
    Re: consumer metrics update/commentary

    Originally posted by jk View Post
    January 12, 2011 - Reflecting Back on 2010:

    The last of the BEA GDP reports issued during 2010 indicated that the "real final sales of domestic product" were growing at an anemic 0.9% rate during both the second and third quarters of 2010. This number is calculated by reducing the headline GDP number by the net amount of goods being added to manufacturing inventories (and therefore not being sold to end consumers). Their characterization of the number as the "real final sales" within the economy is telling, and a 0.9% annualized growth rate over the course of the six middle months of the year is statistically indistinguishable from a dead flat economy....
    ....
    And right now that data is materially weaker that many people would like to believe.
    precisely! depsite the best efforts of the lamestream media to convince us otherwise!

    and my boatbiz (or more accurately, lack of) is where eye see the proof on a month to month basis = quite simply dead in the water - and here's where the rubber meets the road (read: with the academics in charge of the admins 'policies' are so far off out into space its amazing that they actually have jobs!)

    read the truth of whats really going on and dont forget the _COMMENTS_ which are getting to be the best part of the wsj:
    http://online.wsj.com/article/SB1000...897770830.html


    Downturn's Ugly Trademark: Steep, Lasting Drop in Wages


    In California, former auto worker Maria Gregg was out of work five months last year before landing a new job—at a nearly 20% pay cut.



    In Massachusetts, Kevin Cronan, who lost his $150,000-a-year job as a money manager in early 2009, is now frothing cappuccinos at a Starbucks for $8.85 an hour.
    In Wisconsin, Dale Szabo, a former manufacturing manager with two master's degrees, has been searching years for a job comparable to the one he lost in 2003. He's now a school janitor.
    They are among the lucky. There are 14.5 million people on the unemployment rolls, including 6.4 million who have been jobless for more than six months.
    But the decline in their fortunes points to a signature outcome of the long downturn in the labor market. Even at times of high unemployment in the past, wages have been very slow to fall; economists describe them as "sticky." To an extent rarely seen in recessions since the Great Depression, wages for a swath of the labor force this time have taken a sharp and swift fall.
    View Full Image



    (Darren Hauck for The Wall Street Journal) Dale Szabo, who has two master's degrees, lost a job as a manufacturing manager in 2003. In late 2005 he took a job as a school janitor: 'I never dreamed I would be doing it. But I have to pay the bills.'






    The only other downturn since the Depression to see similarly large wage cuts was the 1981-82 recession. But the latest downturn is already eclipsing that one. Unemployment has stood above 9% for 20 straight months—longer than the early 1980s stretch—and is likely to remain above that level for most of 2011, putting downward pressure on wages.
    Many laid-off workers who have found new jobs are taking pay cuts or settling for part-time work when they get new ones, sometimes taking jobs far below their skill levels.
    Economists had wondered how far this dynamic would go in this recession, and now the numbers are starting to show it: Between 2007 and 2009, more than half the full-time workers who lost jobs that they had held for at least three years and then found new full-time work by early last year reported wage declines, according to the Labor Department. Thirty-six percent reported the new job paid at least 20% less than the one they lost.

    More than eight million Americans lost their jobs during the recent recession. Many are returning to the workforce--but in jobs that pay them far less than they used to earn. WSJ's Jason Bellini reports.













    The severity of the latest downturn makes it likely that many of the unemployed who get rehired will take wage cuts, and that it will be years, if ever, before many of their wages return to pre-recession levels, says Columbia University labor economist Till von Wachter. "The deeper the recession, the lower the wage you're going to get in the next job and the lower the quality of your next job," he says.
    While difficult for individual workers, lower wages can make U.S. industries and companies overall more competitive and allow employers to hire more workers than they would otherwise. In the long run, that may make the nation more prosperous.
    South Seas Island Resort, which employs about 300 in Captiva, Fla., cut jobs during the downturn, but has now begun adding staff.
    "Right now I view this as an employer's market," says Rick Hayduk, managing director, who says the resort is attracting senior people at lower salaries than before. "The past 24 months have taken a toll on a lot of individuals," he says. "I think they abandoned their hopes to receive compensation similar to what they did when they lost their jobs. We have been able to reevaluate some of our starting wages."
    The upshot: The resort will keep labor costs flat this year, even as revenue picks up and the resort selectively adds workers.



    Overall, U.S. wages continue to grow, but at a slow pace. Wages and salaries for civilian workers were up 1.5% before adjusting for inflation in the 12 months ended in September, according to the Labor Department's comprehensive Employment Cost Index, which compares wages in the same jobs and doesn't reflect wages of people switching careers. Over the same period, consumer prices rose 1.1%.
    Ms. Gregg, 45, the California auto worker, says at least she had a chance to prepare for tougher times. She spent two decades working for New United Motor Manufacturing Inc., a Fremont, Calif., joint venture between General Motors and Toyota, before the plant closed in April. The factory had warned workers seven months earlier that it was closing. "I was preparing myself beforehand and getting all my bills lowered," she says.
    She considered pursuing her dream of starting a small business, perhaps an ice-cream parlor. She contemplated going back to school to build on her associate's degrees. But she says that with her income cut from $1,200 a week at the auto plant, where she was a technician, to $450 in unemployment checks, she couldn't afford it, in part because she was supporting her daughter who had just entered college.
    View Interactive



    See unemployment rates for more than 500 occupations and search for yours.



    She recently joined a start-up energy technology firm. The pay is $28 an hour, $6 less than in her prior job, but she jumped at it. Though she's already cut back on travel, eating out and shopping to adjust, she wonders how she might make up the wage gap over time.
    "I do want to make more money," Ms. Gregg says. "The only way I'm going to get back to that is if I go back to college and get more of an education."
    Mr. von Wachter, the Columbia economist, has studied three decades of Social Security data in order to track the paychecks of workers from the 1981-82 recession who experienced sudden mass layoffs. Those workers saw their earnings drop 30% on average compared to similar nondisplaced workers. Even after 15 to 20 years, those workers lagged behind: Their wages were still 20% lower than their counterparts who didn't lose their jobs in the original layoffs, according to his research.
    A key part of earnings losses, Mr. von Wachter and his fellow researchers found, comes from the fact that workers accumulated skills over a decade or two that may be outdated and not garner the same wages after a downturn. And then instead of gaining new skills for a higher-paying job, they often take what they can get at a lower wage and stop their job hunts.



    "Given that the process of recovery can take so long, it's important to make people who were unemployed realize that if they really want to recover they may need to stay in the game for a long time, and perhaps consider a switch in careers," Mr. von Wachter said.
    Mr. Szabo, the 53-year-old Wisconsin janitor, switched fields. With a MBA and another master's degree in organizational communications, he says he had worked his way up to training manager in a nearly 26-year career at Briggs & Stratton Corp., a Milwaukee-based engine maker, when he lost his job in a round of layoffs in 2003. The company didn't return calls seeking comment.
    Mr. Szabo says he keeps an Excel spreadsheet tracking his job search. By early 2004, he says he had applied for 750 jobs. A year later, it topped 1,000. Since then, he says he sent out 1,000 more resumes as he grew less picky about the location and position.
    In late 2005, with his severance long exhausted, a friend bet him that he couldn't get one of two openings as a janitor in the Wauwatosa School District, earning $9 an hour. He got the job and has since moved up to a nighttime janitor position, the lone man supervising school buildings in the evenings. In his old job, Mr. Szabo says he earned $48,000 plus overtime—as much as $63,000 in total in 2000. His new job pays $34,000 a year.
    "It's very hard work. I never dreamed I would be doing it," he says. "But I have to pay the bills."
    Mr. Szabo still says he wants to go back to work in manufacturing, in the field of training and development, and continues sending out resumes.
    "I would love to get back to my field," he says. "Am I prepared to stay where I am? Yes, if that's where God has me. I'm making my $17 an hour and I'm encouraging all my friends who are making zero to keep looking. They may end up with something like what I've got. Seventeen is much better than zero."
    Research shows that children of workers who lose jobs and go back to work at lower wages appear to suffer from lower wages, too. In a 2008 study, a group of economists tracked the wages of 60,000 father-child pairs from 1978 to 1999. Children whose fathers went through mass layoffs in the 1982 recession ended up with 9% lower earnings than similar children whose fathers didn't experience the job cuts.
    The impact was concentrated in children from lower-income families. "When someone at the bottom of the income distribution loses their job, the loss of income is much more likely to involve losing things that matter for the family to sustain itself," says Marianne Page of the University of California, Davis, one of the researchers.
    Part of the wage adjustment after a downturn rests on how much workers are willing to give up.
    After seven years working in regional sales in Southern California for Diebold Inc., a manufacturer of ATMs and security systems, Virginia May says she was earning $30 an hour plus bonuses when she and 800 colleagues lost their jobs in early 2008. She took a seven-month stint with the Census Bureau last year, earning $25 an hour, but struggled to find the same wage anywhere else. Ms. May says she turned down 10 job offers out of 58 interviews. One of them was as an office manager, similar to the job she had at Diebold, paying $10 an hour.
    "When it comes down to it, they want to offer us peanuts to work," she said last fall.
    Ms. May, 63 years old and never unemployed before the latest downturn, runs a group for unemployed professionals in the Los Angeles area. "The first thing we teach all of our members is: 'Don't accept the first offer, always go into negotiation with them,'" she says. "Some of the people are afraid to, because the market is so tough out there."
    After cashing out half of her $90,000 retirement account to get by, Ms. May had started eyeing part-time jobs and wages at $20 an hour or less. But she pulled through. A few days after Christmas, just as her unemployment benefits ran out, she got a job as an office administrator in California. Her pay, she says, "is more than I expected" and "just a little above what I was making two years ago."
    Others, like Mr. Cronan, the Starbucks barista in Massachusetts, take whatever work is available. He lost his job in January 2009 at a Boston money-management company, where he says he earned a $100,000 salary and $50,000 annual bonus in recent years. Mr. Cronan, 40, enrolled in adult-education courses and tried to wait out the downturn as he saw other people with MBAs take entry-level, $40,000-a-year jobs.
    But once his 19-month severance period ended, Mr. Cronan needed health insurance and decided he couldn't limit his search to only his field. So, in August, he got a job at his local Starbucks—the one he'd visited daily since losing his job—even though he expects to leave once he finds employment in his field.
    He says he's now earning $8.85 an hour for about 38 hours a week of work.
    The Arlington, Mass., resident is continuing his job search with new expectations for how much he'll earn when finance jobs in his specialty, currency, come back.
    "If I'm offered $75,000, that's a lot more than I'm making now," Mr. Cronan says. "It's a realistic approach. You can't live looking in the rearview mirror."
    Write to Sudeep Reddy at sudeep.reddy@wsj.com

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