Can insolvent lenders be floated by the U.S. government? Should they?
by Eric Janszen
March 21, 2006 on the very first day we re-opened iTulip.com as a Mass. S Corp. iTulip, Inc. we posted the following in the About section:
But what really kept the U.S. out of the poorhouse, if only until now, was the housing bubble. Not only did we fail to predict the housing bubble as the Fed's answer to the stock market bubble collapse, we argued that the Fed would never allow one to develop.
Wrong.
Our thinking was that in the past the Fed has been very quick to stop speculation in real estate, much more quickly than stock market speculation. Why? Real estate involves the banking system much more than the stock market bubble did and looking after the banking system is Job One for the Fed. Letting millions of homeowners buy real estate they can't afford with mortgages they can never pay back is a surefire road to mass defaults that can cripple the banking system. When a little housing bubble declined in the early 1990s, the U.S. banking system seized up. That response to the downside of that minor real estate cycle was a gran mal seizure compared to the massive stroke that the banking system is likely to suffer on the back end of this wild real estate freak show. More importantly, the political aftermath of a real estate bubble is economic devastation of the host country's economy. Lots of unemployment and negative wealth effects that keep consumers home sulking and saving, not out at the mall buying goods from Asia that keep Asian central banks inspired to lend, and the virtuous circle of lending, borrowing, importing and exporting going. Not good for recessionary, inflationary and other re-election sensitive economic matters. So why take the chance? Because it looked better, at the time, than the obvious alternative: a big recession and unemployment before the 2004 congressional elections. Never good for anyone's re-election bid. - http://www.itulip.com/about
In the wake of the post housing bubble credit crisis, the market system for endogenous credit creation that gave us CDOs, CLOs and other securitized debt instruments will continue to deteriorate worldwide over the next few years. Many experts from the investment banking community that we interviewed in 2007 were certain that the U.S. banks had successfully deposited the Risk Pollution on distant shores and that the banks were immune. Others, such as Dr. Peter Warburton, author of debtanddelusion, were not so sure. Now this.Wrong.
Our thinking was that in the past the Fed has been very quick to stop speculation in real estate, much more quickly than stock market speculation. Why? Real estate involves the banking system much more than the stock market bubble did and looking after the banking system is Job One for the Fed. Letting millions of homeowners buy real estate they can't afford with mortgages they can never pay back is a surefire road to mass defaults that can cripple the banking system. When a little housing bubble declined in the early 1990s, the U.S. banking system seized up. That response to the downside of that minor real estate cycle was a gran mal seizure compared to the massive stroke that the banking system is likely to suffer on the back end of this wild real estate freak show. More importantly, the political aftermath of a real estate bubble is economic devastation of the host country's economy. Lots of unemployment and negative wealth effects that keep consumers home sulking and saving, not out at the mall buying goods from Asia that keep Asian central banks inspired to lend, and the virtuous circle of lending, borrowing, importing and exporting going. Not good for recessionary, inflationary and other re-election sensitive economic matters. So why take the chance? Because it looked better, at the time, than the obvious alternative: a big recession and unemployment before the 2004 congressional elections. Never good for anyone's re-election bid. - http://www.itulip.com/about
A month ago, it was ``unthinkable'' that the banks wouldn't intervene to support auctions, said Steven Brooks, executive director of the North Carolina State Education Assistance Agency. ``I had certainly hoped and believed that that liquidity was there and was an important part of why this marketplace was good for investors and good for issuers.''
`Ugly' Market
From 1984 through 2006, only 13 auctions failed, typically because of changes in the credit of the borrower, according to Moody's Investors Service. There were 31 failures in the second half of 2007, and 32 during a two-week period beginning in January. That compares with more than 480 failures yesterday alone, according to figures compiled by Deutsche Bank AG, Wilmington Trust Corp. and Bank of New York Mellon Corp.
``It's ugly,'' said Luis I. Alfaro-Martinez, finance director for the Government Development Bank of Puerto Rico, which saw the rate it pays on $62 million of debt rise to the maximum of 12 percent set out in documents governing the bonds, from 4 percent at a Feb. 12 auction handled by Goldman. ``It's getting uglier.''
Auction Debt Succumbs to Bid-Rig Taint as Citi Flees, Bloomberg, Feb. 21, 2008
Should Insolvent Banks be Saved?`Ugly' Market
From 1984 through 2006, only 13 auctions failed, typically because of changes in the credit of the borrower, according to Moody's Investors Service. There were 31 failures in the second half of 2007, and 32 during a two-week period beginning in January. That compares with more than 480 failures yesterday alone, according to figures compiled by Deutsche Bank AG, Wilmington Trust Corp. and Bank of New York Mellon Corp.
``It's ugly,'' said Luis I. Alfaro-Martinez, finance director for the Government Development Bank of Puerto Rico, which saw the rate it pays on $62 million of debt rise to the maximum of 12 percent set out in documents governing the bonds, from 4 percent at a Feb. 12 auction handled by Goldman. ``It's getting uglier.''
Auction Debt Succumbs to Bid-Rig Taint as Citi Flees, Bloomberg, Feb. 21, 2008
The lesson U.S. policy makers learned in the banking crisis of the 1930s and the S&L crisis of the 1980s was that the more quickly insolvent lenders are allowed to fail, bad loans written off, and solvent lenders take up good assets from them the more rapidly certainty and confidence returns and banking and credit system function is restored. What causes crises to escalate is extended uncertainty. It feeds on itself when market participants are not sure which banks are insolvent. Under those circumstances, banks tend to not want to lend to each other. They hoard capital in anticipation of rising loan losses and defaults. They restrict lending, which feeds back into the slowdown. This process is occurring today.
To solve the uncertainty problem in the extreme case as in the early 1930s the government declared a bank holiday March 5, 1933. Bank balance sheets were assessed to decide which banks were solvent and which were not. When the holiday ended one week later, one sixth of all U.S. banks were closed. That gave the market confidence that the remaining banks were solvent, thus ending the uncertainty. The banking system and lending started to recover. Similarly in the late 1980s and early 1990s literally thousands of small banks were allowed to fail. After the institution of sweep accounts in 1994 which lowered reserve requirements, the banking system started to recover. That laid the foundation for the current crisis; such is the nature of credit based money system.
This time the banks in the most trouble are very large; the smaller banks that did not participate in careless mortgage and other creative lending based on securitization and financial engineering are in decent shape. This is more or less what occurred in Japan; the troubled banks were "too big to fail" from a macro-economic standpoint. As the crisis dragged on uncertainty of solvency spread leading to the kind of self-reinforcing crisis we see today in the U.S., the UK and some European countries. Instead, banks are being nationalized (passed into state ownership) either explicitly as in the case of Northern Rock in the UK, supported by government as in the case of the state-owned bank IKB in Germany, or implicitly in the U.S. via a commitment of continuous cash injections by the Fed and other institutions.
What impact will the recession and credit crisis have on U.S. banks? This article by the FDIC Scenarios for the Next U.S. Recession March 23, 2006 begins with the statement:
"Despite a favorable outlook, there are at least three widely acknowledged areas of near-term concern that could pose risks to the economy going forward: a spike in energy prices, a decline in home prices, and a retrenchment in consumer spending arising from record consumer indebtedness."
Almost two years later all three conditions are extant. Here's what the FDIC expects to happen to the banking system.This FDIC analysis is remarkably clear and prescient. Take the analysis of the consumer risks, for example.
Consumer Debt and Lack of Saving
A large, long-term increase in consumer indebtedness has raised concerns that the next U.S. recession could originate in the household sector. The housing boom of recent years has resulted in a surge in new consumer debt, most of it in the form of mortgages. Historically, recessions have provided an opportunity for households and businesses to retrench and rebuild balance sheets that might have become strained late in the previous expansion. The response of businesses during the 2001 recession provides a classic example in this regard as investment, spending, and hiring activities were curtailed sharply from their heady, late-1990s pace. In part because of the wealth-offset provided by housing, however, the long “jobless recovery” following the 2001 recession did not weigh heavily on the consumer sector. Consumers did slow their pace of spending growth in 2001 and 2002, but spending growth never fell below a 1 percent annual pace in any quarter—and in no quarter did it actually decline. By contrast, during the early 1990s recession, consumer spending declined for two straight quarters. At this point in time, however, the consumer sector has not experienced a real recession in 15 years.
In some sense, this long recession hiatus itself raises concerns. Consumers have gradually become more indebted over time—so much so that they are now spending more in aggregate than they earn, resulting in the much-lamented negative personal savings rate. The personal savings rate may turn out to be a bit of a statistical anachronism in an economy where so much spending is driven by the accumulation of wealth rather than current income. Even so, home prices will not boom forever. Even a moderation in home-price growth would reduce the amount of new home equity added to the economy each year. This slower accumulation of wealth, coupled with rising interest rates that increase the cost of tapping that wealth, could soon begin to curtail the pace of U.S. consumer spending growth. Just as there has been a positive wealth effect from soaring home prices in recent years, the concern is that an end to the housing boom could result in a slowdown in consumer spending growth. However, it is important to keep in mind that such an outcome would likely play out over several years, as happened during the boom.
Today's AP business story, More People Tap 401(k) Accounts for Cash: More Americans Tap Retirement Accounts to Make Ends Meet is clear indication that consumer debt and lack of saving are hitting home. A large, long-term increase in consumer indebtedness has raised concerns that the next U.S. recession could originate in the household sector. The housing boom of recent years has resulted in a surge in new consumer debt, most of it in the form of mortgages. Historically, recessions have provided an opportunity for households and businesses to retrench and rebuild balance sheets that might have become strained late in the previous expansion. The response of businesses during the 2001 recession provides a classic example in this regard as investment, spending, and hiring activities were curtailed sharply from their heady, late-1990s pace. In part because of the wealth-offset provided by housing, however, the long “jobless recovery” following the 2001 recession did not weigh heavily on the consumer sector. Consumers did slow their pace of spending growth in 2001 and 2002, but spending growth never fell below a 1 percent annual pace in any quarter—and in no quarter did it actually decline. By contrast, during the early 1990s recession, consumer spending declined for two straight quarters. At this point in time, however, the consumer sector has not experienced a real recession in 15 years.
In some sense, this long recession hiatus itself raises concerns. Consumers have gradually become more indebted over time—so much so that they are now spending more in aggregate than they earn, resulting in the much-lamented negative personal savings rate. The personal savings rate may turn out to be a bit of a statistical anachronism in an economy where so much spending is driven by the accumulation of wealth rather than current income. Even so, home prices will not boom forever. Even a moderation in home-price growth would reduce the amount of new home equity added to the economy each year. This slower accumulation of wealth, coupled with rising interest rates that increase the cost of tapping that wealth, could soon begin to curtail the pace of U.S. consumer spending growth. Just as there has been a positive wealth effect from soaring home prices in recent years, the concern is that an end to the housing boom could result in a slowdown in consumer spending growth. However, it is important to keep in mind that such an outcome would likely play out over several years, as happened during the boom.
The FDIC analysis notes that the fate of the banking system is not directly tied to the economy. On the positive side:
The first half of this decade provides another example of how the fortunes of the banking industry need not directly follow the performance of the U.S. economy. During and just after the 2001 recession, the U.S. economy experienced the loss of trillions of dollars in stock market wealth and the failure of hundreds of publicly traded companies, including Enron and WorldCom. Associated with this corporate turmoil was a significant credit event for large banks that had made loans to corporate borrowers. Between 2000 and 2002, the annual loan loss provisions for FDIC-insured institutions rose by $18 billion—a 61 percent increase. Meanwhile, job growth recovered very slowly, with payroll employment not reaching its pre-recession level until early 2005. Despite this adversity, FDIC-insured institutions posted record earnings every year between 2001 and 2005.
However, the part of this analysis that bears most directly upon current circumstances is excerpted below, my emphasis.Historically, the fortunes of the banking business have varied with economic cycles, but the worst of times in recent memory were not predominantly the result of recession. During the roundtable discussion, FDIC Chief Economist Richard Brown pointed out that, as one would expect, loan growth tends to decline and charge-offs tend to rise during recessions. Even so, the industry has seen its biggest swings outside of the U.S. business cycle. As an example, Mr. Brown pointed to the “100-year flood” of losses in the banking and thrift industries, or the failure of over 2,500 federally-insured banks and thrifts between 1980 and 1993.
[The chart to the left] shows that while there have been increases in bank failures during and immediately after recessions, these increases are dwarfed by the episodic surge in failures between 1980 and 1993. This wave of failures took place during a period that included two U.S. recessions and a seven-and-a-half-year economic expansion. During this period, according to Brown, the U.S. economy experienced a rolling regional recession that moved from the farm belt to the oil patch to the Northeast to Southern California. This rolling regional recession featured some significant regional boom and bust cycles in real estate. These real estate busts were partly due to the 1986 amendment to federal tax laws on real estate investments. This tax policy change essentially dampened demand for commercial real estate investment and put downward pressure on real estate prices. Poor risk management practices and fraud also were common factors in the episodic wave of bank and thrift failures. The lesson of this episode appears to be that the business cycle is not necessarily the dominant factor in explaining banking industry performance—and failures, in particular—in the modern period.
My read is that the combination of household and consumer retrenchment, so-called business cycle recession, and falling real estate prices following an extended period of poor risk management and widespread fraudulent lending activity are the antecedents for another "100 year flood" for the banking system. The banking system did well through the last recession due to ability of the banks to take advantage of monetary policy.[The chart to the left] shows that while there have been increases in bank failures during and immediately after recessions, these increases are dwarfed by the episodic surge in failures between 1980 and 1993. This wave of failures took place during a period that included two U.S. recessions and a seven-and-a-half-year economic expansion. During this period, according to Brown, the U.S. economy experienced a rolling regional recession that moved from the farm belt to the oil patch to the Northeast to Southern California. This rolling regional recession featured some significant regional boom and bust cycles in real estate. These real estate busts were partly due to the 1986 amendment to federal tax laws on real estate investments. This tax policy change essentially dampened demand for commercial real estate investment and put downward pressure on real estate prices. Poor risk management practices and fraud also were common factors in the episodic wave of bank and thrift failures. The lesson of this episode appears to be that the business cycle is not necessarily the dominant factor in explaining banking industry performance—and failures, in particular—in the modern period.
Part of the reason that the banking industry has been able to produce such strong financial results amid economic adversity was the response of monetary policy to the recession itself. Between 2000 and 2002—as the corporate credit event was boosting the industry’s provision expenses—low nominal interest rates and a steep yield curve were helping to boost net interest income by some $33 billion, while the industry was also able to realize gains on the sale of securities of $11 billion. These offsetting factors were more than double the increase in credit losses.
The analysis raises two key questions. One, can the banking system escape the 100 year flood without a massive spike in the number of bank failures as occurred in the late 1980s and early 1990s? Two, banks survived the last recession due to monetary policy – low interest rates – and support from the endogenous credit system, that is, the invention and sale of securitized loan products. How can monetary policy and the endogenous credit system work to support the banking system this time? I expect state based credit creation will continue to expand to compensate for dysfunction that is spreading across the credit market. More and more real estate and other loans and assets will move from the private sector's to the federal government's and Fed's balance sheet. The distinction between this development and the nationalization of the U.S. banking system will be largely semantic.
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